Wednesday, November 27, 2019

The History of the Human Management of Honey Bees

The History of the Human Management of Honey Bees The history of honey bees (or honeybees) and humans is a very old one. Honey bees (Apis mellifera) are an insect that has not exactly been domesticated: but humans have learned how to manage them, by providing them with hives so we can more easily steal the honey and wax from them. That, according to research published in 2015, happened in Anatolia at least as long ago as 8,500 years. But physical changes to bees that are kept are negligible from those that are not kept, and there are no specific breeds of bees that you could reliably identify as domesticated versus wild. Three distinct genetic subspecies of honey bees have been identified, however, in Africa, Eastern Europe, and Western Europe. Harpur and colleagues identified evidence that Apis mellifera originated in Africa and colonized Europe at least twice, producing the genetically distinct Eastern and Western species. Surprisingly, unlike most domesticated species, managed bees have a higher genetic diversity than their progenitors. (See Harpur et al. 2012) Honey Bee Benefits We are fond of the stinging Apis mellifera, of course, for its liquid honey. Honey is one of the most energy-dense foods in nature, consisting of a concentrated source of fructose and glucose containing approximately 80-95% sugar. Honey contains trace amounts of several essential vitamins and minerals and also can be used as a preservative. Wild honey, that is to say, collected from wild bees, contains relatively higher levels of protein, because the honey contains more bee larva and larva parts than kept bees. Honey and bee larva together are excellent sources of energy fat and protein. Beeswax, the substance created by bees to encase their larvae in combs, was and is used for binding, sealing and waterproofing, and fuel in lamps or as candles. The 6th millennium BC Greek Neolithic site of Dikili Tash contained evidence for the use of beeswax as a binding agent. New Kingdom Egyptians used beeswax for medicinal purposes as well as embalming and mummy wrapping. Chinese Bronze Age cultures used it in the lost-wax technique as early as 500 BC, and as candles by the Warring States Period (375-221 BC). Early Use of Honey The earliest documented use of honey dates to at least the Upper Paleolithic, some 25,000 years ago. The dangerous business of collecting honey from wild bees was accomplished then as today, by using a variety of methods, including smoking the hives to reduce the response of the guard bees. Upper Paleolithic rock art from Spain, India, Australia, and southern Africa all illustrate collecting honey. Altamira cave, in Cantabria, Spain, includes depictions of honeycombs, dated approximately 25,000 years ago. The Mesolithic Cueva de la Araà ±a rock shelter, in Valencia Spain, contains depictions of honey collection, bee swarms, and men climbing ladders to get to the bees, at ~10,000 years ago. Some scholars believe that collecting honey is much earlier than that  since our immediate cousins the primates regularly collect honey on their own. Crittendon has suggested that Lower Paleolithic Oldowan stone tools (2.5 mya) could have been used to split open beehives, and theres no reason that a self-respecting Australopithecine or early Homo could not have done that. Neolithic Bee Exploitation in Turkey A recent study (Roffet-Salque et al. 2015) reported discovering beeswax lipid residues within cooking vessels throughout the prehistoric world from Denmark to North Africa. The earliest examples, say researchers, come from Catalhoyuk and Cayonu Tepesi in Turkey, both dated to the 7th millennium BC. Those come from bowls which also contained mammalian animal fat. Further evidence at Catalhoyuk is the discovery of a honeycomb-like pattern painted on the wall. Roffet-Salque and colleagues report that according to their evidence, the practice became widespread in Eurasia by 5,000 cal BC; and that the most abundant evidence for honeybee exploitation by early farmers comes from the Balkan peninsula. Beekeeping Evidence Until the discovery of Tel Rehov, evidence for ancient beekeeping, however, was restricted to texts and wall paintings (and of course ethnohistoric and oral history records, see Si 2013). Pinning down when beekeeping began is thus somewhat difficult. The earliest evidence of that is documents dated to the Bronze Age Mediterranean. Minoan documents written in  Linear B  describe major honey stores, and based on documentary evidence, most other Bronze Age states, including Egypt, Sumer, Assyria, Babylonia, and the  Hittite kingdom  all had beekeeping operations. Talmudic laws from 6th century BC describe the rules of harvesting honey on the Sabbath and where the proper place was to put your hives relative to human houses. Tel Rehov The oldest large production facility for producing honey identified to date is from Iron Age Tel Rehov, in the Jordan Valley of northern Israel. At this site, a large facility of unfired clay cylinders contained the remains of honey bee drones, workers, pupae, and larvae. This apiary included an estimated 100-200 hives. Each hive had a small hole on one side for the bees to enter and exit, and a lid on the opposite side for the beekeepers to access the honeycomb. The hives were located on a small courtyard that was part of a larger architectural complex, destroyed between ~826-970 BC (calibrated). About 30 hives have been excavated to date. Scholars believe the bees are the Anatolian honey bee (Apis mellifera  anatoliaca), based on morphometric analyses. Currently, this bee is not local to the region. Sources Bloch G,  Francoy  TM, Wachtel I, Panitz-Cohen N, Fuchs S, and Mazar A. 2010.  Industrial apiculture in the Jordan valley during Biblical times with Anatolian honey bees.  Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences  107(25):11240-11244. Crittenden AN. 2011.  The Importance of Honey Consumption in Human Evolution.  Food and Foodways  19(4):257-273. Engel MS, Hinojosa-Dà ­az IA, and Rasnitsyn AP. 2009. A honey bee from the Miocene of Nevada and the biogeography of Apis (Hymenoptera: Apidae: Apini).  Proceedings of the California Academy of Sciences  60(1):23. Garibaldi LA, Steffan-Dewenter I, Winfree R, Aizen MA, Bommarco R, Cunningham SA, Kremen C, Carvalheiro LG, Harder LD, Afik O et al. 2013.  Wild Pollinators Enhance Fruit Set of Crops Regardless of Honey Bee Abundance.  Science  339(6127):1608-1611. doi: 10.1126/science.1230200 Harpur BA,  Minaei  S, Kent CF, and Zayed A. 2012.  Management increases genetic diversity of honey bees via admixture.  Molecular Ecology  21(18):4414-4421. Luo W, Li T, Wang C, and Huang F. 2012.  Discovery of Beeswax as​   Journal of Archaeological Science  39(5):1227-1237.binding agent on a 6th-century BC Chinese Turquoise-inlaid Bronze sword. Mazar A, Namdar D, Panitz-Cohen N, Neumann R, and Weiner S. 2008.  Iron Age beehives at Tel Rehov in the Jordan valley.  Antiquity  81(629–639). Oldroyd BP. 2012.  Domestication of honey bees was associated with   Molecular Ecology  21(18):4409-4411.expansion of genetic diversity. Rader R, Reilly J, Bartomeus I, and Winfree R. 2013.  Native bees buffer the negative impact of climate warming on honey bee pollination of watermelon crops.  Global Change Biology  19(10):3103-3110. doi: 10.1111/gcb.12264 Roffet-Salque, Mà ©lanie. Widespread exploitation of the honeybee by early Neolithic farmers. Nature volume 527, Martine Regert, Jamel Zoughlami, Nature, November 11, 2015. Si A. 2013.  Aspects of Honeybee Natural History According to the  Solega.  Ethnobiology Letters  4:78-86. doi: 10.14237/ebl.4.2013.78-86 Sowunmi MA. 1976.  The potential value of honey in  Ã‚  Review of Palaeobotany and Palynology  21(2):171-185.palaeopalynology  and archaeology.

Saturday, November 23, 2019

America, Becoming A Country Through Invasions essays

America, Becoming A Country Through Invasions essays America, Becoming A Country Through Invasion Warpaths by Ian K. Steele, is the book I chose to read for my book report. Warpaths discusses the invasions of North America and the struggles that went on so that Europeans could gain control of the New Land. The book is broken into three main sections; Bases for Invasion, 1565-1684,Colonies and Tribes, 1687-1748, and finally Empires, Colonies, and Tribes, 1784-1765. In the course of my essay I will go through and discuss the strengths and weaknesses in each section. I will talk about the use of maps, illustrations and the references notes that are used through out the text. Ian K. Steele has the main objective in this book of creating a new image of how America was created. Steele takes an Ethno historic and military, perspective on the invasions of America. He presents a new and radical view of how things took place and the reasoning behind the events that took place. The lay out of the book is similar to that of a common textbook, which creates a strong structurally persuasive b ook. The multitude of sources used by Steele forms a feeling of security in the readers mind, as to the authenticity of his argument. Before even getting into Part 1 of the book, Steele, has a chapter on Arms in Arcadia, this chapter talks about the beginning of it all, he touches on Columbus, Cabot, and Cortezs roles in the new world. Also talking about the Countries that gave power to these mere men. Steele successfully creates and idea of what life was like for the early inhabitants of North America. Showing pictures of the distribution of tribes in and around the Florida area of America, and describing life styles, he creates an understanding for his readers. As Steele begins in Part 1, he speaks of the lifestyles that the Europeans have made for themselves in America by 1565. Clearly explaining the incorporation of natives styles o...

Thursday, November 21, 2019

Write a mini report to demonstrate the meaning of the operational Essay

Write a mini report to demonstrate the meaning of the operational characteristic Visibility , use examples to illustrate your points. (Max 300 words) - Essay Example This store started to work in 1950s, Sweden and now it is the most thriving furniture retailer’s. It has total 276 stores in 36 countries.Its owner has built the store in a very special & innovative way. Therefore its per-unit cost is high as compared to others in the market.Characteristics of operational management includes four V’s.; volume, variety, variation & visibility. Here we’ll discuss the Visibility characteristic, which involves High & Low visibility. Low visibility operations –in this operation to much timing process is involved between the production and the consumption. That is why the output from the transformation is highly standardized. Employees don’t have the required skills and they move towards theminimum number of tasks during the transformation process. Therefore, low visibility leads the business to low cost unit High visibility operations –on the other hand in high visibility time is effectively consumed. Quality of service is based on the service perception. Employees hold much skill to work & there is a high contact among them. The degree of the variety of product is highly considered, keeping the demands of the customers in mind. Services aren’t standardized that’s why employees take their customers seriously. Therefore, per-unit cost is very high. (Business management a Functional focus,

Wednesday, November 20, 2019

Lemons and Peaches The impact of Asymmetrical Information on Essay

Lemons and Peaches The impact of Asymmetrical Information on Healthcare in the NHS and how this can be addressed through the National Insurance System - Essay Example er David Akerlof illustrated this situation elaborately in his famous work â€Å"The Market for Lemon† where he termed this situation as asymmetric information. He discussed this problem in the context of a used car market. He regarded the good car as peach and the bad cars as lemon. Akerlof argued that in a used car market a seller uses to have more information regarding the quality of a used car, i.e. the seller knows more accurately whether the car that he is selling is a peach or a lemon. But the buyer, on the other hand, uses to be in a more disadvantaged state as he posses less information regarding whether the car that he wants to buy is a peach or a lemon and hence the buyer can only make a guess whether the car would provide good service. (Akerlof, 1970; Arrow, 1963) Information asymmetry problem is not a problem of any particular market. In fact, most of the markets face this kind of informational problem, although degree of this problem differs from market to market. Typically when there exists information asymmetry problem in any market, it is mainly the sellers who possess more information about the product than the buyers during the process of transaction; however, in some cases the reverse can also take place. Health care system is not an exception and it also faces severe information asymmetry problem. Information asymmetry is present in the market of health care as well as in the market of health insurance. It would be quite interesting to look at the nature of information asymmetry in health care sector and how this problem can be dealt with to avoid any kind of market failure. (Arrow, 1963; Blomqvist and Leger, 2003) In the national health care system of any country, the relationship between physician and patients is regarded as the key relationship that the health care market has to deal with. In the presence of information asymmetry there exists a gap between the patients and the medical service providers regarding the price of the product as

Sunday, November 17, 2019

Meursault in The Stranger by Albert Camus Essay Example for Free

Meursault in The Stranger by Albert Camus Essay Life is wonderful, but also hard. We struggle to find the meaning in our lives, but we can not accomplish it. There are many kinds of thoughts or philosophies of life; some think that life is already determined by God or destiny when they were born, while others think that they decide what they do by themselves. In the stranger, Albert Camus creates Meursault as a protagonist, who does not think about anything deeply. Because of that, he can not really enjoy his life. However, finally, he thinks about his life when he faces death; he truly realized how to face to the absurd world, and thus becomes Camus perfect existential hero. Meursault is indifferent, and he thinks he perfectly enjoys each moment; however, the reality is he just wastes time and does not even know that. Meursault thinks that emotion is ridiculous because people are controlled by it, and regret or feeling sorry is a waste of time. Thus, even when he faces his mothers death, he does not feel anything. He does not have interest in his mothers death, so he does not even know when his mother died. Maman died today. Or yesterday maybe, I dont know(3). Usually, ones mothers death significant and people think about their lives through her death. Even though it is not his, and he knows that he can not find it, he should think about what his life means from the relationship between death and life. However, it is possible that he does not care about it too much because he can not do anything in her death, but he does not care about his marriage, too. He has a girlfriend, named Marie, and when she asked him to get married with her, he was still indifferent, Then she pointed out that marriage was a serious thing. I said No'(42). He dos not know what is important in life. It is not because he has different sense of values but because he does not care about anything seriously. He has not had a big problem in his way, but his way to live is now problem. When he takes Arabs life away, he does not really realize what he did. Even when he was in the police station, he does not understand what he did, thus, c I was even going to shake his hand, but I remembered that I had killed a man(64). He treats everything as a fact, so he does not really have an  emotion. He thinks it is the way to enjoy his life, but it makes his life more meaningless. He does not think deeply. Also, he thinks death is death, so there is no future after death. Then, he shot the Arab four times more, but he does not know what it means, Then I fired four more times at the motionless body where the bullets lodged without leaving a trace. And it was like knocking four quick times on the door of unhappiness(59). He does not feel good about shooting four more times, but it is not worth death at all. Taking human life is same as knocking the door of unhappiness for him; his way to live, which is without emotion makes his life horrible later, but at this time, he does not understand anything. Life without emotion is easy because an emotion does not make sense, so he can make sense with everything in his life. However, it also makes his life colorless. Because he is different from others, the society beats him; the world does not help him, so he now has to create meaning in his life by himself. When he is on trial, he testifies honestly because he always follows his heart and does what he wants; however, it does not fit the society, then people judge him from their subjective justice. @ @When he honestly testifies about why he killed Arab, people did not listen seriously, cI blurted out that it was because of the sun. People laughed(103). People do not understand him, and then they do not treat him as usual. They beat the stranger; there is nobody to help him. Moreover, they think they are right, so people rid from the society and make him look worse. The prosecutor does not want Meursault to live in the society, which the prosecutor lives and to have the same human heart. He stated that I had no place in a society whose most fundamental rules I ignored and that I could not appeal to the same human heart whose elementary response I knew nothing of(102). He denies Meursaults human right. He should be in trouble, but in the trial, there are only people who think they are normal and right, so they are the same as him. Thus, they do not notice that the prosecutor is wrong. Their personality is horrible because there is no exception. Meursault thinks about this judgment and the machinery of justice(108). It is exactly correct. They follow their own common sense, and treat him as a stranger. The consequence is a death penalty. However, ironically, this situation, which makes him face death and being aware that nobody helps him, makes him  think about his life and notice that he has to find it by himself. Right before his death, he realized the meaning in life. People do not know why they are living, but they laugh at him because they think he is stupid and better than him; however, ironically, he understands his life. When he accepts the absurd world, he can create meaning of his life; there is no future, so he has to think about every single moment carefully and enjoy it. Ironically, he does not have time any more. However, he thinks, I had been happy and that I was happy again(123). Actually, he enjoys his life because he did not know that he has lived indifferently. His life is hard for ordinary people to understand, but for him, it totally makes sense. Moreover, he understands everything now, so he feels happiness again. Also, he feels a sense of superiority because he knows that people who look down on him do not know. There are many thought about world, and he wants to see the absurd world, and show them his way to live, I had only to wish that there be a large crowd of spectators the day of my execution and that they greet me with cries of hate(123). He notices that nobody seriously cares about him, but still they come to his execution. Playing the game is ridiculous for him, but people can not live without it. Nobody really has a grudge against him, but they follow the others. Being apart from society is scary and alone, so usually people can not do that. He also feels that, so he wanted to die in the crowd. Also, he is proud of his life, so he wanted to show how he lived. Now, he really enjoys his life. The life is meaningless; he realizes it when he faces death. If people know that, they give up everything; however, for Meursault, everything makes sense. There is no clue in the world, so what he can do is creating the meaning by himself. Life is hard because nobody helps him, but he decides everything and what he does has meaning. He can enjoy his life fully, so his life is wonderful. He has to enjoy his life while he is living because there is nothing after death. There is no meaning in the world, so he creates it. Everything is to be happy.

Friday, November 15, 2019

Captivity Narratives - Our Nig and Restauration of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson

Captivity Narratives - Our Nig and Restauration of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson  Ã‚   Our Nig; or Sketches from the life of a Free Black and   A Narrative of the Captivity and Restauration of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson   Harriet Wilson’s and Mary Rowlandson’s captivity narratives have three things in common.   First, they have a theme of sustaining faith in God throughout their trials.   Secondly, they portray their captors as savages.   Finally, they all demonstrate the isolation felt by the prisoner.   Ã‚  Ã‚   Our Nig: or, Sketches from the Life of a Free Black by Harriet Wilson is the story of a Northern girl, born into an interracial family and later abandoned by her parents, forcing her to become the servant of the Bellmont Household. After Mary, Mrs. Bellmont’s daughter falls into a stream, Frado must endure a horrific beating by both women.   â€Å"No sooner was he out of sight than Mrs. B. and Mary commenced beating her unhumanly, then propping her mouth open with a piece of wood, shut her up in a dark room, without any supper.† (Wilson, 34-35).   Yet Frado is able to continually endure the wrath and violence of Mrs. Bellmont.   â€Å"But, Frado, if you will be a good girl, and love and serve God, it will be but a short time before we are in a heavenly home together.   There will never be any sickness or sorrow there.† (Wilson, 95). As she is continually tortured, Frado finds salvation through her faith, thus allowing her to survive.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Mary Rowlandson’s A Narrative of the Captivity and Restauration of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson displays this same theme as well.   The Narragansett Indians took Rowlandson and her children captive.   â€Å"All was gone, my Husband gone (at least separated from me, he being in the Bay, and to add to my grief, the Indians told me they ... ...ile Wilson’s novel exposed the savage treatment of â€Å"free† blacks in the North prior to the civil war. Works Cited American Authors. http://www.gonzaga.edu/faculty/campbell/enl311/aufram.html (October 28, 1999). Harriss, Sharon M. â€Å"Introduction to Mary Rowlandson.† The Heath Anthology of American   Literature. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1988. Lauter, Paul, Ed. 340-342. Rowlandson, Mary. â€Å"A Narrative of the Captivity and Restauration of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson."   The Heath Anthology of American Literature. Ed. Paul Lauter. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1983. 343-366. Wilson, Harriet. Our Nig; or Sketches from the life of a Free Black. New York: Vintage Books,   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   1983.    "In [a captivity narrative] a single individual, usually a woman, stands passively under the strokes of evil, awaiting rescue by the grace of God.† – Richard Slotkin.     

Tuesday, November 12, 2019

Feminist Anthropology

Introduction In the center of the nineteenth century the theory of feminist anthropology emerged as a reaction to a perceived androcentric prejudice within the field of anthropology ( Lamphere 1996: 488 ) . Symbolic anthropology, on the other manus, emerged during the twentieth century and formed in response to the dissatisfaction with the theory of structural linguistics that was grounded in linguistics and semiologies ( Des Chene 1996:1275 ) . The purpose of this paper is to analyze the similarities and differences between the theories of feminist anthropology and symbolic anthropology in order to better understand the impact both motions had on the societal scientific disciplines. Both of these theories, although seemingly unrelated, portion a assortment of similarities that are at the nucleus of the paradigm displacement in anthropology that continues today. Further, an scrutiny of some of the cardinal figures in anthropology who influenced the outgrowth of these theoretical tendencies, will further clarify the principle for their development.OrAdditionally, an scrutiny of some of the cardinal figures in anthropology who influenced these paradigm ‘s will further light these th eories ‘ importance. Although this paper can non supply a complete analysis of what differs and remains the same between feminist and symbolic anthropology, we can make a better apprehension of the two theoretical schools of idea and the impact they had on the field of anthropology and societal scientific discipline as a whole. However, before comparing and contrasting the theories, it is indispensable to hold a basic apprehension of what each theory entails. Basic Dogmas of Feminist Anthropology In the history of anthropology, three different moving ridges of feminist anthropology occurred with varying focal points ( Gellner and Stockett, 2006 ) . These different moving ridges did non to the full occur in chronological order and there are convergences with some of the theories of each still relevant today. The first moving ridge occurred between 1850 and 1920, and had the primary end of including adult females ‘s voices into descriptive anthropology. At the clip, there was really small ethnographic informations refering adult females, and the informations that did be was mostly the studies of male sources talking for adult females and analyzed through male ethnographers ( Pine 1996: 253 ) . The focal point of the 2nd moving ridge, which occurred between 1920 and 1980 was an effort to divide the impressions of sex and gender. Until this point, the footings had been used interchangeably and the word â€Å" Gender † referred to both the constructs of male and female, the cultural building that created these two classs and the relationship between them. ( Pine 1996:253 ) . This was debatable since the definition of gender varies from civilization to civilization and can take to false apprehensions and the creative activity of cultural false beliefs in the field of anthropology . Further, during the 2nd moving ridge, feminist anthropologists pushed for a rejection of the bing dualities between work forces and adult females that were present in Western civilization, such as the thought that work forces should work while adult females stayed at place. During the 2nd moving ridge, mercenary research into the thoughts of societal dealingss about adult females, reproduction and their productive capablenesss in the work force became popular, particularly how these factors related to other societal factors such as societal category. Therefore, in the 2nd moving ridge, feminist anthropologists argued for a move off from the wide generalisations that had plagued the field of anthropology for coevalss ( Lamphere 1996:488 ) . This is linked to the single focal point put-forth by the interpretivist motion in anthropology during the 1950s. However, it differs because it makes connexions between adult females irrespective of what civilization they belong to. Contemporary women's rightist anthropologists make up the 3rd moving ridge of feminist anthropology, which started in the 1980s and continues throughout the new millenary. Feminist anthropologists of today, are no longer entirely focused on the gender dissymmetry but instead focal point on the differences that exist between classs such as category, race and ethnicity ( Geller and Stockett, 2006 ) . This modern-day focal point therefore examines the differences that exist between adult females with differing societal backgrounds, instead than concentrating on the difference between males and females ( McGee, Warms 1996: 392 ) . Contemporary women's rightist anthropology besides examines how these assorted societal factors interact, particularly in the con text of power, which is frequently used as the chief method of analysis. However, this method has resulted in a extremely disconnected theoretical attack, which uses combined pieces of assorted theories ( Geller and Stockett, 2006 ) . Cardinal Peoples in Feminist Anthropology One of the cardinal figures in the first moving ridge of feminist anthropology was Ruth Benedict ( 1887-1948 ) . Benedict was a pupil of Franz Boas, and one of the first female anthropologists, gaining her doctor's degree from Columbia University in 1923 ( Buckner 1997: 34 ) . Most of her work focused on Native Americans and other groups which led her to develop her â€Å" configurational attack † to civilization, which views cultural systems as working to prefer certain personality types among different societies ( Buckner 1997: 34 ) . Another cardinal figure who emerged in the 2nd moving ridge of feminist anthropology was Margaret Mead ( 1901-1978 ) another pupil of Franz Boas, who was friends with Ruth Benedict. Meads feminist work centered on the separating factors between sex and gender. Many of her theories were influenced by or borrowed from Gestalt psychological science, a subfield of psychological science which focused on analysing personality as an interconnected psy chological form alternatively of a aggregation of unrelated elements ( McGee, Warms 1996:202 ) Her work attempted to divide the biological factors from the cultural factors that influence human behaviour and personality development and helped to construct a model for the emerging subject of feminist anthropology. Additionally, her work analyzed the permeant sexual dissymmetry that existed in the ethnographic literature of anthropology during the clip. ( Levinson, Ember 1996:488 ) . Basic Dogmas of Interpretive Anthropology The intent of symbolic anthropology is to analyze the different ways that people understand their milieus, every bit good as the differing readings of those who act within them. Symbolic anthropologists believe that these readings can be combined to make a shared cultural system of significance, or shared apprehensions shared between members of the same civilization. However, it is understood that non all members of a civilization will hold the exact same beliefs ( Des Chene 1996:1274 ) . One of the chief focal points of symbolic anthropology is the survey of symbols and the assorted ways that symbols are created and have their significances assigned to them. Symbolic anthropologists believe that scrutiny of these symbols and the procedures that create them ( such as myth and faith ) will light the cardinal inquiries of human societal life shared by each civilization ( Spencer 1996:535 ) . Therefore, symbolic anthropologists view civilization as an independent system of intending tha t can be deciphered by construing cardinal symbols and rites that create it ( Spencer 1996:535 ) . Overall, there are two cardinal premises in symbolic anthropology. The first of these premises provinces that the beliefs of a certain group of people, nevertheless unintelligible they may look, can ever be understood when they are examined as portion of an bing cultural system of significance ( Des Chene 1996:1274 ) . The 2nd premiss provinces that the actions of a specific group of people are guided by the reading of these symbols. These two premises allows for symbolic anthropologists to use symbolism to construe both ideal and material activities of a specific group of people. Frequently, the focal point of symbolic anthropology will be on faith, cosmology, ritual activity, and expressive imposts such as mythology and the acting humanistic disciplines ( Des Chene 1996:1274 ) . However, symbolic anthropologists besides study other signifiers of societal organisation such as affinity and political organisation, which allows research workers to analyze the function that these symbols play in the mundane life of people from different civilizations. ( Des Chene 1996:1274 ) . Cardinal Peoples in Interpretive Anthropology Overall, the field of symbolic anthropology can be divided into two major attacks, each associated with one of the cardinal figures of the theory. The first attack is associated with Clifford Geertz and the University of Chicago and the other with Victor W. Turner at Cornell University. Geertz ‘s place illustrates the interpretative attack to symbolic anthropology, while Turner ‘s illustrates the symbolic attack. Clifford Geertz ( 1926-2006 ) studied at Harvard University in the 1950s and was strongly influenced by the Hagiographas of philosophers such as Langer, Ryle, and Weber. ( Handler 1991 ; Tongs 1993 ) Geertz was influenced mostly by the sociologist Max Weber, finally utilizing different facets of their thought as cardinal elements in his theory of interpretative anthropology, and was more interested in the operations of â€Å" civilization † than the assorted ways that symbols interact within the societal procedure. In his digest of essays entitled â€Å" The Interpretation of Cultures † ( 1973c ) , Geertz argued that an analysis of civilization should â€Å" non [ be ] an experimental scientific discipline in hunt of jurisprudence but an interpretative 1 in hunt of significance † ( Geertz 1973d:5 ) . Further, Geertz believed that civilization was a societal phenomenon and a shared system of intersubjective symbols and significances ( Parker 1985 ) .` This can be seen in his ain definition of civilization, which was â€Å" an historically familial form of significances embodied in symbols, a system of familial constructs expressed in symbolic signifiers by agencies of which work forces communicate, perpetuate, and develop their cognition about and their attitudes toward life † ( Geertz 1973e:89 ) . Geertz ‘s symbolic anthropology focused on the different ways in which symbols operate within a specific civilization, particularly how persons â€Å" see, experience, and think about the universe † ( Ortner 1983:129-131 ) . He believed that civilization is expressed through the external symbols utilized by society and is non merely stored inside the heads of members of that society. Geertz, argued that adult male utilized the symbolic as â€Å" beginnings of light † in order to point himself in his ain system of significance ( Geertz 1973a:45 ) . Therefore, societies use their symbols to show their ain alone â€Å"worldview, value-orientation, ethos, [ and other facets of their civilization ] † ( Ortner 1983:129 ) . Symbols could be seen as â€Å" vehicles of ‘culture † who ‘s intending should non be studied in and of themselves, but alternatively should be studied for what they can uncover about a peculiar civilization. Geertz argued that these cultural symbols shaped the ways that societal histrions see, experience, and think about the universe ( Ortner 1983:129 ) . Victor Witter Turner ( 1920-1983 ) was the leader of the other subdivision of symbolic anthropology ( Turner 1980:143 ) . Born in Scotland, Turner was influenced by the structural-functionalist attack of British societal anthropology that had been outstanding during the clip. In peculiar, Turner was influenced by Emile Durkheim, which shaped his version of symbolic anthropology to concentrate more on the operations of â€Å" society â €  and the ways in which different symbols operate within it. ( Ortner 1983:128-129 ) . Turner, like old British anthropologists, was interested in look intoing whether symbols really functioned within the societal procedure the manner current symbolic anthropologists believed they did. Thus, Turner ‘s attack to symbols was highly different than that of his modern-day, Clifford Geertz. Alternatively of being interested in symbols as vehicles of â€Å" civilization † as Geertz was, Turner believed that symbols functioned as â€Å" operators in the societal procedure † ( Ortner 1983:131 ) and that â€Å" the symbolic look of shared significances † , non the attractive force of stuff involvements, prevarication at the centre of human relationships † ( Maning 1984:20 ) . Turner believed that symbols â€Å" instigate societal action † and exercise â€Å" determinable influences tending individuals and groups to action † ( Turner 1967:36 ) and felt that these â€Å" operators, † if placed in a certain agreement and context, would bring forth â€Å" societal transmutations † which both act to maintain the people in a society tied to the society ‘s specific societal norms every bit good as decide societal struggle and assistance in altering the societal position of the histrions involved ( Ortner 1983:131 ) . Theoretical Similarities There are several theoretical similarities between feminist and symbolic anthropology. Both Fieldss recognize the dynamic nature of societal systems. Like symbolic anthropology which views civilization in footings of symbols and mental footings, accounting for its transient and altering nature, 2nd wave feminist anthropologists rejected Durkheim’s impression of a inactive system composed of built-in dualities, and sought to demo that the societal systems are dynamic. Further, both women's rightist and symbolic anthropology believe in â€Å" actor-centric † actions, intending that actions are non separate from societal histrions but a portion of their societal model. ( Ortner 1983:136 ) . Another cardinal similarity is the focal points shared by both women's rightist and symbolic anthropology. Focus on individuality and difference is a cardinal focal point of both feminist anthropology and symbolic anthropology. This means that there is a focal point on societal classs such as age, business, faith, position, and so on. Power is besides an of import constituent of analysis for feminist anthropology, since the building and passage of individuality occurs through discourses and actions that are structured by contexts of power ( Gellner and Stockett, 2006 ) . However, this besides fits in with Turner ‘s analysis of symbols and societal action. Further, both theories challenge the construct of normality and catholicity that many old anthropological theories supported. The rejection of normality and cosmopolitan truths, every bit good as the thought that anthropology must non merely analyze on a cultural degree, but besides on an single degree, is cardinal to symbolic anthropology. This thought is chiefly seen in feminist anthropology through the thought that male point of view differs well from the female point of view, and that both must be accounted for. The rejection of normality is farther seen in feminist anthropology through fagot theory, which is the most recent reaction against the impression of â€Å"normalcy† Queer theory challenges the construct of heteronormativity, or the premise that heterosexualism and the ensuing societal establishments are the normative socio-sexual constructions in all societies ( Gellner and Stockett, 2006 ) . The theory argues that gender is non a portion of the indispensable ego and is alternatively based upon the socially constructed nature of sexual Acts of the Apostless and individualities, which consist of many varied constituents ( Warner, 1993 ; Barry, 2002 ) . Therefore, like symbolic anthropology, feminist anthropology relies to a great extent on the construct of cultural constructivism. Arguing different positions Due to cultural growing and intervention of Man and Women. The most obvious similarity between the theories is that both were a response to old anthropological theories. The symbolic and interpretative theory was a reactions to structuralism that was grounded in linguistics and semiologies and pioneered by L? vi-Strauss ( Des Chene 1996:1275 ) . The subfield of Feminist Anthropology emerged as a reaction to a perceived androcentric prejudice within the subject ( Lamphere 1996: Additionally, another cardinal similarity between the theories is that they have non been discredited position in the modern societal scientific disciplines? ? Theoretical Differences One of the chief differences between the two anthropological attacks is the catholicity found in feminist anthropology. Although the construct of catholicity is under scrutiny today, early women's rightist anthropologists believed that there was a cosmopolitan subordination of adult females to work forces, in all civilizations around the Earth. Therefore, one of the chief constituents of feminist anthropology was to seek for cosmopolitan accounts for female subordination and gender inequality. However, the thought that all adult females suffer the same subjugation merely because they are adult females does non suit within the symbolic and interpretivist model. Symbolic anthropologists argue that these historically specific Western premises about the societal differences between work forces and adult females can non be decently applied to non-Western societies ( Spencer 1996:538 ) . Another of import difference between feminist and symbolic anthropology is that feminist anthropology c hiefly focuses on the constructs of gender and gender, while symbolic anthropology examines all societal facets. Varies from civilization to civilization Muslim adult females viewed as opressed, but they view forced sexualization as opression Decision

Sunday, November 10, 2019

The Notion of Prophethood in Islam

Only when times are at their most turbulent, when the people of Earth reach a point of living that is considered to be sinful and discordant, is there a need for a change or reform back to a virtuous lifestyle. It is evidenced in the thoughts and traditions of many different faiths of the world that this change, this revolution as it may also be referred to, is brought about by a message. Of course, a message, especially one that is meant to bring about reform and revolution, will not be heard without scrutiny on the deliverer of the message, the messenger. In the monotheistic religions of the world, Islam in particular, emphasis is placed on these messengers as bringers of truth in times of untruth or darkness, a divinely inspired human who acts as an intermediary between God and the people to whom the message is brought. Such messengers are called Prophets. This piece will discuss the notion of Prophethood in Islam, what it means to be a Prophet, and the similar traits amongst the circumstances of the Prophets. Islam places an importance of the highest degree on the monotheistic message it delivers, that there is only one God and no other. Thus, special emphasis is placed on the ones to deliver this message, the Prophets. However, for a person to be considered a Prophet in Islam, there are certain stipulations that they have to meet. The notion of a Prophet is generally a divinely inspired human who acts as an intermediary between God and other people, but more to it is that each and every Prophet receives their message directly from God and not from other people, not even from other Prophets. However, despite not learning of the message from other Prophets, the message being delivered is the same between each and every Prophet. This ensures the authenticity of the message that each Prophet receives and clearly displays the link between the Prophet and God to the recipients of the message. However, there is even further divergence underneath the title of Prophet. In Islam, there are generally two degrees of Prophethood, Nabi, and Rasul. The difference between a Nabi and a Rasul is mainly that a Rasul not only receives message from God, but is charged to propagate it. A Rasul may also be a Prophet that brings God’s scripture and they are to restore Divine Law or Sharia as well. A Nabi on the other hand is a human who brings news of the message, but the message that each brings is not necessarily universal. Both a Nabi and a Rasul has to be a pure and worthy person in order to hear God’s message, thus it can be observed that each and every Prophet is a Nabi by default, where a Rasul is a Prophet of more responsibility than that of a Nabi. Thus, it easily observable that all Prophets have similarities, but there are a few that stand out amongst others. Of the 25 Prophets mentioned in the Qur’an, there are 5 major Prophets that stand out amongst others. These Prophets are the Prophet Noah (AS), the Prophet Abraham (AS), the Prophet Moses (AS), the Prophet Jesus (AS), and the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS). While their names appear in several passages in the Qur’an, there is a particular passage that mentions all of them: He has ordained for you of religion what He enjoined upon Noah [AS] and that which We have revealed to you, [O Muhammad (SAWS)], and what We enjoined upon Abraham [AS] and Moses [AS] and Jesus [AS] – to establish the religion and not be divided therein†¦ The Holy Qur’an, Translated by Sahih International, 42:13 This verse addresses the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS) in particular. It equates the message that was brought to the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS) to the messages that were brought to the Prophets Noah (AS), Abraham (AS), Moses (AS) and Jesus (AS), establishing that the religion each Prophet was trying to propagate was the same for all of them: Islam. For example, the message that the Prophet Jesus (AS) had brought were brought to a people that had lost their way, but that message was not entirely original either, having been expressed before in some form. It was also said that Jesus (AS) did not so much preach a message as he was a message. In a similar manner, the conducts of the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS) were said to contain a message themselves: There has certainly been for you in the Messenger of Allah [SWT] an excellent pattern for anyone whose hope is in Allah [SWT] and the Last Day and [who] remembers Allah [SWT] often. The Holy Qur’an, Translated by Sahih International, 33:21 This verse advises those who believe in Allah (SWT) of the patterns or the lifestyle of the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS) and the message that can be found herein. It can therefore be observed that the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS) would be the next in line as an Abrahamic Prophet due to his similarities to the Prophet Jesus (AS). However, despite the numerous similarities between the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS) and the Prophets that were his predecessors, there is one fact that sets him apart from the others, and that is that the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS) is consider ed to be the Khatam al-Anbiya, or the Seal of the Prophets. In the Holy Qur’an, it states the following: â€Å"Muhammad [SAWS] is not the father of [any] one of your men, but [he is] the Messenger of Allah [SWT] and last of the prophets. And ever is Allah [SWT], of all things, Knowing† (The Holy Qur’an, 33:40). It is well known that the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS) did not leave any surviving male heirs, his three sons with Khadija (RA) as well his son with Mariya (RA) having passed away young, and his four daughters also having passed away in infancy (Textual Sources for the Study of Islam, p47). The verse relates that fact by acknowledging that there could be no direct descendant of the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS), thus no one could claim to be a Prophet by claiming to be descended from him. Even more so, the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS) described his own status as the Seal of the Prophets: My likeness among all the Prophets is like the likeness of a man building a house. He is proficient at it, he does it well, and he leaves a single brick out. Then the people begin to go around the building, marvelling at it, and say: â€Å"It would be complete if not for this brick†. Indeed, in the building, I am the place for that brick. Textual Sources for the Study of Islam, p48 This quote puts forth more inclinations that the Prophet Muhammad (SAWS) was not only another Abrahamic Prophet (the other two being Prophet Jesus (AS) and Prophet Moses (AS)), but the final Prophet after whom there would be no other. Thus, the notion of Prophethood in Islam is clearly defined and differentiated, with all Prophets being a Nabi and a select few being a Rasul. The Prophet Muhammad (SAWS) has also been clearly established as an Abrahamic Prophet and the Seal of the Prophets in the Qur’an.

Friday, November 8, 2019

Marcus Crassus essays

Marcus Crassus essays In the Roman era there were many great noble men but one in particular stands out named Marcus Licinius Crassus. He rose to power quickly and became the wealthiest man in Rome. He became colleagues with Caesar and Pompey and helped them achieve the high status that they had. He did not have a good childhood and came from a poor family. This mad the wealth and prestige that he gained that much more respectable. Crassus was born about 115 B.C., in Rome. He had an older and a younger brother who were both married and lived with them and his parents in a small house in Rome. He was educated out of his house by his parents. His father married a woman whom was from a well to do family. His father was born into the office of a censor and was given great honor. In battle his father perished along with his older brother. From this happening Crassus inherited his fathers money and ended up marrying his brothers widow named Licinia. He ended up staying with her till death and together they had many children. Some of the ways that he went about getting his money were sneaky yet smart. He took notice to how close and tall the houses in Rome were and that they would be easily susceptible to fire. Rome also had no public fire brigades. He formed the first fire brigade from his host of slaves that he owned. His idea was to set fire to houses then buy those houses from the owners. The owners would sell the houses cheaply because they were on fire and were no use to them anymore. By doing this he soon owned a majority of Roman land. He also bought many slaves who were architects and builders. He had them rebuild the burned down houses. Crassus never built one house other than his own. Even though Crassus owned many silver mines, land, and had other workers to work on them, he valued his slaves the most. He owned over five hundred slaves and all different talents. They were excellent readers, silversmiths, table-waiters, ...

Tuesday, November 5, 2019

Battle of Austerlitz in the Napoleonic Wars

Battle of Austerlitz in the Napoleonic Wars The Battle of Austerlitz was fought December 2, 1805, and was the deciding engagement of the War of the Third Coalition (1805) during the Napoleonic Wars (1803 to 1815). Having crushed an Austrian army at Ulm earlier that fall, Napoleon drove east and captured Vienna. Eager for battle, he pursued the Austrians northeast from their capital. Reinforced by the Russians, the Austrians gave battle near Austerlitz in early December. The resulting battle is often considered Napoleons finest victory and saw the combined Austro-Russian army driven from the field. In the wake of the battle, the Austrian Empire signed the Treaty of Pressburg and left the conflict. Armies Commanders France Napoleon65,000 to 75,000 men Russia Austria Tsar Alexander IEmperor Francis II73,000 to 85,000 men A New War Though fighting in Europe had ended with the Treaty of Amiens in March 1802, many of the signatories remained unhappy with its terms. Increasing tensions saw Britain declare war on France on May 18, 1803. This saw Napoleon revive plans for a cross-channel invasion and he began concentrating forces around Boulogne. Following the French execution of  Louis Antoine, Duke of Enghien, in March 1804, many of the powers in Europe became increasingly concerned over French intentions. Later that year, Sweden signed an agreement with Britain opening the door to what would become the Third Coalition. Mounting a relentless diplomatic campaign, Prime Minister William Pitt concluded an alliance with Russia in early 1805. This came about despite British concern over Russias growing influence in the Baltic. A few months later, Britain and Russia were joined by Austria, which having been twice defeated by the French in recent years, sought to exact revenge. Napoleon Responds With threats emerging from Russia and Austria, Napoleon abandoned his ambitions to invade Britain during the summer of 1805  and turned to deal with these new adversaries. Moving with speed and efficiency, 200,000 French troops departed their camps near Boulogne and began crossing the Rhine along a 160-mile front on September 25. Responding to the threat, Austrian General Karl Mack concentrated his army at the fortress of Ulm in Bavaria. Conducting a brilliant campaign of maneuver, Napoleon swung north and descended on the Austrian rear. After winning a series of battles, Napoleon captured Mack and 23,000 men at Ulm on October 20. Though the victory was dampened by Vice Admiral Lord Horatio Nelsons triumph at Trafalgar the next day, the Ulm Campaign effectively opened the way to Vienna which fell to French forces in November. To the northeast, a Russian field army under General Mikhail Illarionovich Golenischev-Kutusov had gathered and absorbed many of the remaining Austrian units. Moving towards the enemy, Napoleon sought to bring them to battle before his lines of communication were severed or Prussia entered the conflict. Allied Plans On December 1, the Russian and Austrian leadership met to decide their next move. While Tsar Alexander I wished to attack the French, Austrian Emperor Francis II and Kutuzov preferred to take a more defensive approach. Under pressure from their senior commanders, it was finally decided that an attack would be made against the French right (southern) flank which would open a path to Vienna. Moving forward, they adopted a plan devised by Austrian Chief of Staff Franz von Weyrother which called for four columns to assault the French right. The Allied plan played directly into Napoleons hands. Anticipating that they would strike at his right, he thinned it to make it more alluring. Believing that this assault would weaken the Allied center, he planned on a massive counterattack in this area to shatter their lines, while Marshal Louis-Nicolas Davouts III Corps came up from Vienna to support the right. Positioning Marshal Jean Lanness V Corps near Santon Hill at the northern end of the line, Napoleon placed General Claude Legrands men at the southern end, with Marshal Jean-de-Dieu Soults IV Corps in the center. Fighting Begins Around 8:00 AM on December 2, the first Allied columns began hitting the French right near the village of Telnitz. Taking the village, they threw the French back across Goldbach Stream. Regrouping, the French effort was reinvigorated by the arrival of Davouts corps. Moving to the attack, they recaptured Telnitz but were driven out by Allied cavalry. Further Allied attacks from the village were halted by French artillery. Slightly to the north, the next Allied column hit Sokolnitz and was repulsed by its defenders. Bringing in artillery, General Count Louis de Langà ©ron commenced a bombardment and his men succeeded in taking the village, while a third column assaulted the towns castle. Storming forward, the French managed to retake to the village but soon lost it again. Fighting around Sokolnitz continued to rage throughout the day. One Sharp Blow Around 8:45 AM, believing that the Allied center had been sufficiently weakened, Napoleon summoned Soult to discuss an attack on the enemy lines atop Pratzen Heights. Stating that One sharp blow and the war is over, he ordered the assault to move forward at 9:00 AM. Advancing through the morning fog, General Louis de Saint-Hilaires division attacked up the heights. Reinforced with elements from their second and fourth columns, the Allies met the French assault and mounted a fierce defense.  This initial French effort was thrown back after bitter fighting. Charging again, Saint-Hilaires men finally succeeded in capturing the heights at bayonet point. Fighting in the Center To their north, General Dominique Vandammes advanced his division against Starà © Vinohrady (Old Vineyards). Employing a variety of infantry tactics, the division shattered the defenders and claimed the area. Moving his command post to St. Anthonys Chapel on the Pratzen Heights, Napoleon ordered Marshal Jean-Baptiste Bernadottes I Corps into the battle on Vandammes left. As the battle raged, the Allies decided to strike Vandammes position with the Russian Imperial Guards cavalry. Storming forward, they had some success before Napoleon committed his own Heavy Guards cavalry to the fray. As the horsemen battled, General Jean-Baptiste Drouets division deployed on the flank of the fighting. In addition to providing refuge for the French cavalry, fire from his men and the Guards horse artillery forced the Russians to retreat from the area. In the North At the northern end of the battlefield, fighting began as Prince Liechtenstein led Allied cavalry against General Franà §ois Kellermanns light cavalry. Under heavy pressure, Kellermann fell back behind General  Marie-Franà §ois Auguste de Caffarellis division of Lannes corps which blocked the Austrian advance. After the arrival of two additional mounted divisions allowed the French to finish off the cavalry, Lannes moved forward against Prince Pyotr Bagrations Russian infantry. After engaging in a hard fight, Lannes forced the Russians to retreat from the battlefield. Completing the Triumph To complete the victory, Napoleon turned south where fighting was still raging around Telnitz and Sokolnitz. In an effort to drive the enemy from the field, he directed Saint-Hilaires division and part of Davouts corps to launch a two-pronged attack on Sokolnitz. Enveloping the Allied position, the assault crushed the defenders and forced them to retreat. As their lines began to collapse all along the front, Allied troops started to flee the field. In an attempt to slow the French pursuit General Michael von Kienmayer directed some of his cavalry to form a rearguard.  Mounting a desperate defense, they helped cover the Allied withdrawal. Aftermath One of Napoleons greatest victories, Austerlitz effectively ended the War of the Third Coalition. Two days later, with their territory overrun and their armies destroyed, Austria made peace through the Treaty of Pressburg. In addition to territorial concessions, the Austrians were required to pay a war indemnity of 40 million francs. The remains of the Russian army withdrew east, while Napoleons forces went into camp in southern Germany. Having taken much of Germany, Napoleon abolished the Holy Roman Empire and established the Confederation of the Rhine as a buffer state between France and Prussia. French losses at Austerlitz numbered 1,305 killed, 6,940 wounded, and 573 captured. Allied casualties were massive and included 15,000 killed and wounded, as well as 12,000 captured.

Sunday, November 3, 2019

Creative writing - 'Otherness' Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Creative writing - 'Otherness' - Essay Example I looked at her stern eyes and said, "he keeps it in the case that he carries with him to shop every day." Laila jo said nothing as tears dropped down her cheek. She knew like me, this was not the life she deserved but she didnt ask me about the plan any further. That night as we sat to eat our dinner, Laila did not speak at all. Rasheed went with his own narration of the days event, listened to the radio and went to sleep. I felt the chill in the air and my eyes refused to rest. I was feeling immensely alert and with every gunshot outside, I became all the more vigilant. Suddenly, I heard a thud and a cry and rushed upstairs. As a climbed the stairs, thousand thoughts crossed my mind but the sight of blood numbed me once and for all. Lying on the pool of blood was Laila jo...Rasheed had the gun in his hand. Aziza was crying her lungs out sitting by the side of her mother. I rushed to Laila jo and found blood oozing from her throat. Her eyes were wide open and for a fraction of a second I thought she was alive. I cursed myself for hatching that plan to her. I should not have confided to her. This was all due to me. A harami by birth, I deserve all the pain I suffer, But Laila jo? She was not a harami? At such a tender age she suffered so much! I should have killed Rasheed myself! o Allah! why is it that you take away everything that is dear to me! what have I done to be punished so hard! Rasheeds constant blows on my back felt nothing compared to the pain I was feeling in my heart. He was trying to separate me from my child but I will not let him have his will. I would not leave my child, she needed me. But a distant cry reminded me of the girl I had orphaned. Aziza I am your culprit! I am to be blamed for all that you would suffer in your life! My heart felt heavy and the throat sore. The sound of Laila jos voice was ringing continuously in my head. Aziza climbed down from the bed and sat by my side holding her

Friday, November 1, 2019

Curriculum Specialist Paper Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Curriculum Specialist Paper - Essay Example In curriculum, the crucial part is the definition of the course objectives which are often expressed in terms of learning outcomes and normally includes the assessment strategy for the programme. These learning outcomes and assessments are often grouped into modules, therefore a curriculum comprises of a collection of such units, each specializing on a specific part of the curriculum. So, a typical curriculum would include modules on mathematics, languages, information technology together with more specialized provision. In the United States, the basic curriculum is established by each state with the individual school districts adjusting it to their desires. However, each state, builds its curriculum relying heavily on the input of national groups selected by the United States Department of Education, for example the National Council of Mathematics Teachers for mathematics instruction. Education in the United States is highly decentralized, and the federal government and Department of Education are not heavily involved in determining curriculum or educational standards. The job of centralization and coordination has been left to large private educational foundations. However, the primary function of the United States Department of Education is to formulate federal funding programs involving education and to enforce federal educational laws involved with privacy and civil rights. The quality of educational institutions and their degrees is maintained through an informal private process known as accreditation which the Department of Education has no direct public jurisdictional control over. Currently, there are thirty-nine curriculum specialists serving schools in South Carolina State. Basically, curriculum specialists have the following duties and responsibilities in the following areas: a) Curriculum planning and alignment, In curriculum planning and alignment they perform the following duties; Assisting the instructional staff and teachers in making curricular recommendations that reflect best practices to ensure high achievement, Assisting the school staff in developing a school curriculum guide or in revising the school's curriculum guide to ensure alignment to state and district standards, Engaging in collaborative curricular planning with the leadership team, Focusing on building curricular continuity across grade levels and courses, and Conducting periodic curricular alignment to ensure congruence with school and district goals. b) Curriculum instructional support, In curriculum instrumental support they perform the following duties; Providing direct support for building classroom curricular efforts; Taking